I Became The Crown Prince Of The Mexican Empire - Chapter 176



Only Noblemtl

Seventy percent of the revolutionary leaders were in favor of taking control of New Granada and establishing a new state to rule directly, while only the early leaders, including Antonio Márquez and Miguel Santander, supported joining the Mexican Empire as originally intended.

Faced with the shocking reality, the young revolutionary leader, Marquez, spent a moment alone in his room looking up at the sky through the window. The late afternoon sunlight streamed in slantedly through the window.

After thinking for a moment, Marquez spoke to the executives.

“Let’s go to the capital first. Let’s go to the capital, take control of the situation, and decide our fate.”

Marquez’s decision was, once again, a temporary fix.

Between the simple ideals that had ignited the revolution and the harshness of real politics, he struggled to find a balance. Numerous thoughts and discussions passed through his mind, but he could not find a clear answer. He felt that all of this was growing bigger and getting out of his control.

But he could not give up at this point. He insisted that we should not split yet. We had defeated the church-landlord alliance, but we were not in control of the provinces, and the central government in the capital still considered us rebels.

Fortunately, the executives also agreed.

What they wanted was to take control of the entire country, including the capital.

Thanks to Marquez’s mediation, the revolutionary forces, temporarily unified in their opinions, advanced to the capital.

The road to the capital, which is 2,500 meters above sea level, was long and arduous. It was hot when we started, but it gradually got colder as we went up.

The capital city was finally reached.

There was tension in the streets of Bogotá. On one side was the passion of those who longed for change, and on the other side was the anxiety of those who wanted to preserve the current system. There was a strange thrill in the air, as if something new was about to begin.

The central government attempted to conscript citizens of the capital to fight against the revolutionary army, but was met with strong opposition from the citizens.

“Wow!”

“Get out! What the heck is conscription!”

“You guys figure out the power struggle yourselves!”

“The revolutionary army is better!”

There was even an incident where citizens gathered and beat up a recruiter.

With the cooperation of the citizens of Bogotá, who opposed the central government rather than the revolutionaries, Márquez and the revolutionaries entered the capital without bloodshed.

The capital city shook with their footsteps. The streets were filled with the cries of the people who had gathered under the banner of revolution, yearning for change. The sight of Marquez riding through the cheering crowd as a triumphant general was sublime.

The man who declared himself president without even voting was dragged to prison without even being able to put up a proper resistance.

The revolution was finally successful.

“Isn’t it time to make a decision? You’ve already taken control of the capital, so why are you hesitating?”

Esteban Espinosa, who consolidated the nationalist faction and solidified his position as the third-ranking member of the revolutionary army.

He is a native of Cartagena and was an early member of the Liberal Citizens’ Union. He also once supported joining the Mexican Empire, but at some point, this changed.

The opinions of the founding faction, led by him, have now become one of the mainstream opinions within the revolutionary army. They can no longer be ignored.

“First, we need to act as a provisional government.”

“That’s right. It would be irresponsible to do nothing when they’ve even brought down the president.”

In this situation, Marquez had no choice but to take a step back. Marquez made a cold suggestion to Esteban, who had once been his friend.

“Esteban. Then let’s do this. After we take control of all the provinces, we will hold a national referendum. We will either join the Mexican Empire or hold a presidential election for the new nation. Wasn’t the very birth of our organization intended for the people of Cartagena to decide the fate of the state? Let’s expand that to the entire country.”

It was a correct answer.

Wasn’t the Free Citizens’ Union an organization created to prevent the unilateral independence and establishment of a nation by members of the ‘Eastern Union’, a group of landowners on the eastern coast of New Granada?

Esteban thought to himself.

‘I’ve convinced everyone I can. Marquez, Santander, and the rest of the executives are impossible to convince.’

There can be no attempt at a coup. The revolutionary soldiers and the masses will side with Marquez, who wants to vote.

‘assassination?’

Even if Marquez, Santander, and all the annexationist leaders were killed, it would not be the end. There would be a huge backlash within the revolutionary army, and it would likely lead to another civil war.

‘If we accept the referendum? No matter how much the previous government was a mess, would there really be so many people who want to join the Mexican Empire? Isn’t this independence that we worked so hard to win?’

Esteban himself had thought that when he was just a resident of Cartagena, it would be better if the city were annexed by the Mexican Empire, but he had forgotten all about it in just a year and a few months.

“Okay. Let’s do that.”

***

The provisional government took control of the provinces and hurriedly prepared for the election.

Public opinion was confused.

Support for the founding and annexation factions was split almost evenly.

“But aren’t those revolutionaries a bit different? Asking for annexation by Mexico? That’s a bit…”

Even if there was no such thing as patriotism, there was a vague aversion to requesting annexation from another country.

“Oh my, you bastard. How many people have said they are different? Are you still fooled? Think realistically. Do you think the country will change if those young people take power?”

“So Mexico is different?”

“It’s different. Panama is one of them, and they’ve laid a railroad network in every territory they’ve acquired so far. They’re politically stable, and their military power is beyond words. I want to live in a country that’s a little more stable now.”

The people of New Granada were fed up with the political chaos that had continued from the eve of independence until now. The revolutionary army was able to gather its strength because of its desire for change.

“Buy a newspaper! A newspaper! If you’re late, there’s nothing left!”

The press throughout Nueva Gnarada was experiencing an unprecedented golden age. The pages were heated with fiercer debate than ever before. Editorials and columns were published over whether to establish a nation or merge, and famous commentators engaged in heated debates. The war of words in the newspapers sometimes led to heated debates in the streets. The power of the printed word seemed to herald a new era.

The founding party appealed to the faint patriotism and national pride and claimed that they would reform the country by inheriting the revolutionary spirit.

“We cannot voluntarily give up the freedom and independence that we have fought for with blood. Isn’t it our duty and pride to build a nation with our own strength and fulfill the wishes of the people, no matter how difficult the circumstances?”

“After a long struggle, we have been given the opportunity to decide the fate of New Granada. To give up that right now and be absorbed by another country is contrary to the ideals of the revolution. The Mexican Empire may be a great power, but it is a country with a different history and identity than ours. We must carve out the future of our people ourselves!”

The public’s reaction was ambiguous.

“Hmm, nation? Do we have a nation?”

1848.

In Europe, liberal revolutions were taking place in Prussia, the Austrian Empire, and Italy, and nationalism was spreading in earnest, but in the Americas, especially in South America, it was almost meaningless.

The concept of nationalism itself was not yet widespread and therefore unfamiliar, and even those who knew about it were still only aware of the concept of a nation based on bloodline.

The ethnic composition of New Granada was roughly 25% white, 40% mestizo, 25% indigenous, and 10% African.

Although most of them were of Spanish descent, limited to whites and mestizos, they did not consider themselves to be a single ethnic group.

In the salons of the capital, white and mestizo intellectuals discussed national identity and drew blueprints for the creation or annexation of the nation. But for the mestizos and indigenous people who worked hard in the mines and farms, it was a story from a distant land. All they wanted was immediate relief from taxes and stability that would feed their children more. Meanwhile, on the coast, blacks began to stir at the possibility of abolishing slavery. Depending on their circumstances, their expectations of the revolutionary army also varied.

The merger faction argued.

“The Mexican Empire is no different from Ecuador or Venezuela, which previously gained independence from us! Their language and culture are the same! Their historical backgrounds are similar in that they were ruled by Spain for hundreds of years and then gained independence. The only difference is the period of time of only about 20 years!”

“Hmm, that’s not wrong···.”

In just 20 years or so, weren’t the fates of the two countries too different? No matter how much they had in common, there couldn’t be no differences. However, the annexationists had a weapon that appealed to the people, namely practical benefits, other than these ideological ones.

“We will be able to obtain more job opportunities and stable income. With the influx of massive capital and technology from the empire, each sector, including agriculture, mining, commerce, and industry, will be able to grow rapidly, which will soon lead to an improvement in the lives of ordinary people.”

“Roads will be built, railroads will be laid, hospitals and schools will be built, ports will be expanded, and irrigation systems will be constructed!”

Economic prosperity, and the construction of various social infrastructures including education and healthcare. The list goes on and on.

For the people of New Granada, this vote was a headache, but it was too important to avoid.

The same was true for José Hilario López.

For him, a disciple of Simón Bolívar and a liberal who pursued reform, this problem was truly difficult.

“The Mexican Empire is a developed country that has already achieved the abolition of slavery, secularization, and expansion of voting rights that Mr. Lopez advocated. If we join Mexico, wouldn’t we be able to achieve all of these things right away?”

“But the Emperor’s power is so great that the Parliament is nothing more than a puppet that moves according to the Emperor’s will.”

Santander, the second-in-command of the revolutionary army, persistently sought to persuade Lopez. Now that he had taken control of the country, he could not resolve everything with guns and swords alone. This was especially true when he had decided to vote.

The annexation faction and the national establishment faction were trying to attract prominent figures from the country.

Jose Ilario Lopez, who had risen to the rank of commander in the military and served as governor, nuncio to the Holy See, senator, and minister, was even considered a possible presidential candidate.

“And, I have no intention of giving up this country. I understand that it has many shortcomings and that its people are tired, but still, it is the direct descendant of Simon Bolivar.”

Lopez, having fought alongside Simon Bolívar in his battalion, knew how hard it was to win independence.

The memory of bloodshed on the battlefield and the struggle for freedom for this land was vivid. The faces of comrades who faced the bullets and swords of Spain with their whole bodies and advanced forward step by step flashed before their eyes. Could they overcome the current crisis with the same passion and conviction as back then? The question weighed heavily on Lopez’s mind.

“Simon Bolívar dreamed of the unification of ‘Latin America.’ At that time, many intellectuals really agreed with his ideal. Didn’t Mr. Lopez agree with that too? I would like you to recall the reason. Why did you want unification?”

“The integration of Latin America···.”

The term Latin America was unfamiliar, but Lopez quickly understood it. It referred to the Romance-language-speaking countries of America, as distinct from the Anglo-American countries of the United States and Canada.

Why Simon Bolívar convened the Panama Congress in 1826.

There were three main things.

First, there was concern about invasion by Spain or other European powers.

Second, overcoming internal divisions and conflicts. Bolívar believed that a superior federal government was necessary to overcome these divisions and restore stability and order.

The third was the economic development and modernization of Latin America. Bolívar expected that Latin America would achieve prosperity through market expansion and industrialization when it formed a single economic zone.

Simon Bolívar’s concerns and expectations were justified. In fact, European powers and the United States were attempting to exert influence over several South American countries, which were suffering from endless internal divisions and conflicts, and their economies were not developing.

But all these problems could be solved by joining the Mexican Empire, which had a strong military, a strong government, and a strong economy.

“Bolívar’s dream was truly great. However, it was never easy to put that ideal into reality. Aside from institutional discussions such as federalism and centralization, the voluntary participation of the people of each country was a prerequisite, but that was virtually impossible. However, things are different now. The Mexican Empire has a strong institutional foundation and material foundation that our people voluntarily desire for annexation.”

Santander was desperate. His long mission was finally coming to an end. If he could convince the man in front of him, it would be like crossing the 8th ridge.

“···Do we not know how our provinces of New Granada will be treated within the empire, and to what extent their autonomy will be guaranteed? Are we simply relying on the goodwill of the Mexican Empire?”

“That concerns me too. But isn’t there a precedent? Right after the Mexican Empire gained independence, five provinces—Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica—asked to join the Mexican Empire. They enjoy the same level of wealth as central and northern Mexico, and they have exactly the same political rights.”

They too had joined Iturbide’s empire out of fear of a Spanish re-invasion. Lopez was swayed by Santader’s persuasion, who spoke of precedents, but there was something that held him back until the end.

“Even so, why don’t you know that under an emperor with absolute power, the freedom and rights of our people can be threatened at any time?”

The immense power held by the Emperor of the Mexican Empire.

That was the problem.

Even if most adult males were given the right to vote, Congress could be rendered powerless or abolished the moment the Mexican emperor changed his mind.

“Mexico’s constitutional monarchy is functioning well. The emperor has great power because of the many achievements he has built up over the years and the high approval ratings he has received, which has resulted in a large number of pro-imperial legislators being elected.”

Despite Santander’s persuasion, Lopez leaned toward the nationalist camp. Esteban’s words about starting over and changing the country under the name “Colombia” were more appealing.

Santander returned again without any income.

His mind began to change a few days later, when Lopez began hearing that Esteban had been in contact with landowners and church officials in each state.