I Will Stage A Coup D’état - Chapter 124



Only Noblemtl

EP.124 System Propaganda (2)

“The Korean-style democracy that our government says is flawed is also talking to the people. Is our liberal democracy, where politicians only go around selling votes during elections, a true democracy?”

They focused on the slogan of ‘substance’ rather than ‘form’ mentioned by Lee Seong-jun.

No matter how good the laws are, what can you do?

In the end, it is people who make it happen.

Rather than liberal democracy, which doesn’t even pretend to listen to the people’s voice, Lee Seong-jun might be closer to popular democracy.

Those who gave strength to these voices were, ironically, fascists.

The British fascists were losing their power due to the decline of fascism, but when Lee Seong-jun proposed a new path called Korean-style democracy, they immediately changed their voices and switched to this side.

The union movement led by Oswald Moseley quickly regained its momentum.

If it had been a far-off country, it would have been a fascist that would have naturally disappeared, but when a specific example called Korea was brought up, it was easy to persuade people.

“We too must reform this country, which is only a democracy in name only. We must advocate for a true democracy, a democracy that listens to the voice of the people, a true British democracy!”

“That’s right! Substance over form!”

They called it British-style democracy, but in reality it was no different from a derivative of Korean-style democracy.

The British government was taken aback by the sudden rise of fascist voices like wildfire.

“No, they must be watching Hitler being defeated, so why are they acting like that?”

“Their role model now is not Germany. It’s Korea.”

Anthony Eden was very taken aback when he heard that.

“Huh, Korea?”

Ironically, this isn’t just happening in Britain.

Fascists are also on the rise in the United States.

Pro-Nazi groups that advocated white supremacy began imitating Lee Seong-jun’s Korean-style democracy to clean their name.

Of course, I didn’t say a word about imitating Lee Seong-jun.

“Substance over form! Let’s overthrow the plutocracy of the United States and realize a true democracy by the American people!”

Even the FBI was taken aback by the sudden rise of Korean-style democracy.

“Why on earth are they copying Korea?”

There was a reason.

The fascists viewed Korean-style democracy as a derivative of totalitarianism, so they accepted it very easily.

The political form was also a dictatorship that was easy for fascists to accept.

And that’s not all.

Korean-style democracy prioritized the existence and stability of the nation over the rights of its citizens.

It has almost all the elements that fascism wants, and it is a model that is on the rise, so how can we ignore it just because it was advocated by an Asian?

Hoover found this situation absurd, but did not respond immediately.

Unlike Britain, the American fascists were still weak, with many of their organizations having been destroyed by the FBI.

However, as the number of people talking about Korean-style democracy increased in the UK and the US, the centers of liberalism, the number of people interested in Korean-style democracy also began to increase in various parts of Asia, Africa, and the Americas.

This was mainly the case for countries with weak foundations or leaders who dreamed of building a new nation.

They were interested in the Korean-style democracy advocated by Lee Seong-jun and looked into everything about him.

“Oh. Korea is our blueprint.”

Lee Seong-jun style democratic dictatorship, Lee Seong-jun style economic growth model, Lee Seong-jun style diplomatic model, Lee Seong-jun style idolization, Lee Seong-jun style military control.

Lee Seong-jun was showing them how they could have the absolute power and stable country they desired.

“We must learn from Korea.”

Some of them even went so far as to visit Korea themselves instead of sending people.

People like Jawaharlal Nehru did that.

Nehru toured various places in Korea under the favorable consideration of the Korean government.

Among them was the Korean National Assembly.

‘It’s a bit unfortunate that the Korean National Assembly is unicameral rather than bicameral, but I guess it’s useful for reference.’

Nehru sat in the Korean Parliament and observed the members.

Soon, as the meeting began, one of the members of the Yu Hyuk-hoe Committee walked over and submitted a bill to the chairman.

“Your Majesty’s instructions.”

Nehru was shocked to see the sight.

“Well, doesn’t it violate the separation of powers for the executive branch to give instructions to the legislative branch?”

The Korean interpreter answered Nehru’s question with a smile.

“Korea is a country that values ​​substance over procedures. If it is necessary for national affairs, the executive branch can issue some instructions. If the people are starving right now, who would shed tears of blood if they drag out time by worrying about procedure and appearance?”

Of course, they are citizens.

Of course, the bill that the Yoo Hyuk-hoe members brought forward was not for the people.

The interpreter didn’t convey such inconvenient truths.

“Substance over form.”

Nehru observed Korea’s democratic system and had one idea in mind.

‘If you think about it, it’s hard to expect the parliament to function properly in a huge country like India. It might be advantageous for the country’s development to have a strong leader like Lee Seong-jun take the lead and give instructions to the parliament.’

Whether it was really possible to do so in India is a secondary question, but Nehru felt a desire to instill rational democracy in India.

Nehru was not the only one who felt this way.

Manuel Quezon, the leader of the autonomous region of the Philippines who visited Korea as a state guest, was also deeply impressed by Lee Seong-jun’s governing philosophy.

What impressed him the most was the ‘Purge of the Military’.

‘Our Philippines also has a serious problem with Toho.’

The Philippines was a kind of oligarchic aristocracy, with about a dozen major families monopolizing the country.

In order to make this country like Korea, it was absolutely necessary to sweep away the local lords.

Manuel Quezon sought to find the answer in his meeting with Lee Seong-jun.

“If Your Majesty were to rule the Philippines, how would you reform this country?”

Lee Seong-jun seemed to think for a moment, then spoke with a serious expression.

“Start by fighting crime.”

“yes?”

“Only then will you gain popularity and the power to purge your opponents.”

Lee Seong-jun talked about Philippine President Rodrigo Duderte’s strategy for taking power.

A ruthless public security prosecutor who massacred more than a thousand people without going through any judicial process.

However, thanks to that massacre, Duderte was able to become mayor and president and lead the Philippines as he pleased.

In today’s Philippines, a Duderte-style, heavy-handed approach to governance might have been more appropriate than an elegant, verbal approach.

“War on crime.”

Manuel Quezon considered Lee Seong-jun’s advice carefully.

“If you start from the bottom like that and gain strength, you will gain the power to push politics forward as you wish.”

Duderte did so.

Manuel Quezon expressed his gratitude for Lee Seong-jun’s advice and expressed his will to bring about the flowering of Korean-style democracy in the Philippines.

“I look forward to it too.”

Not long after, China’s Wang Jingwei also visited Korea.

The purpose was to confirm friendship between Korea and China, but the actual content was different.

As soon as Wang Jingwei arrived in Pyongyang, he grabbed Lee Seong-jun by the leg of his trousers.

“Your Majesty, we also want to practice Korean-style democracy.”

For the Wang Jingwei regime, whose power base was weak and could be challenged at any time, creating a stable foundation was more important than anything else.

“It might be a bit difficult for Director Wang to do.”

How can one borrow elements of popular democracy to seek public support?

But since Wang Jingwei kept whining, Sungjun taught her some of his know-how.

“Then, let’s do it like this.”

Wang Jingwei also decided to open a dialogue with the people like South Korea.

Instead, all letters were censored in advance and contained only plausible content.

“A leader must know how to tolerate and tolerate moderate insults.”

Following Lee Seong-jun’s advice, Wang Jingwei deliberately took some abuse.

It was an action borrowed from the strategy of Russian dictator Vladimir Putin.

“You bastard! No matter how much you imitate Lee Seong-jun, you’re just a bastard!”

“I’m sorry. But I believed that this path was for the people of the Republic of China. In fact, aren’t the people of Jiangnan enjoying peace without worrying about war? I’m a person who values ​​substance over form, and practicality over face. Even if I get cursed at as a traitor, if I can bring stability to the people of Jiangnan, I’ll gladly take the stones.”

Wang Jingwei defended his position through dialogue with the people and pretended to listen to public opinion.

Then, even the Chinese people who had been indifferent at first began to change their minds a little.

“It’s true that Wang Jingwei is a dirty scoundrel, but isn’t he better than the warlords and communists who don’t care about the people’s livelihood and only fight to the death?”

“It’s dirty, but what you’re saying isn’t entirely wrong.”

The Wang Jingwei regime succeeded in creating legitimacy for itself through comparisons with its opponents.

As the Chinese new regime began to take hold, Japan’s Tokugawa also became anxious.

Even without that, as the flight of the imperial family gave rise to calls for the abolition of the royal family, Japan’s central focus was weakening by the day.

Before things became irreversible, Japan also needed to introduce Korean-style democracy and create a strong Yushin state.

Tokugawa Yoshimitsu quickly pursued dialogue with the Japanese people.

“Your Majesty, you said you would create a new Japan. What kind of country exactly would you create?”

It is not that the Tokugawa did not have a desire to create a strong centralized state like Korea.

But reality had to be accepted.

“The United States of Japan! We want a country where the vassal states become one state. That is the new Japan we have in mind.”

The Residency-General did nothing to stop Tokugawa’s actions.

In any case, it was impossible for the clans to comply obediently just because Tokugawa had made a move.

Since Japan, there have been a steady stream of countries and organizations calling for Korean-style democracy.

Now the world could not help but acknowledge it.

There is a third alternative, Korean-style democracy, that is neither liberal democracy nor communism.

In this way, Korea began to reveal its presence as the world’s third major power.