I Will Stage A Coup D’état - Chapter 148
Only Noblemtl
EP.148 Empire of Ghosts (2)
Erich von Manstein was born in 1887 into the Levinsky family, a Prussian Junker family.
Manstein began to live the life of a true Junker when he was adopted by General Georg von Manstein as his aunt Hedwig von Schwerink had no children.
Steel and blood.
Manstein joined the Prussian Army, the pinnacle of military power, and survived World War I, as well as the large-scale disarmament that followed the war.
He was clearly an outstanding man with outstanding talent as a soldier.
Anyone who spoke with Manstein was quickly impressed by his talent and insight.
Before long, Manstein had become such a big name that he was being considered as a candidate for the position of Chief of the General Staff of the German Army.
Although he was pushed out of the competition and was given a minor position, he was able to rise to fame again when his sickle-cutting strategy caught Hitler’s eye.
The final rank he achieved in World War II was Field Marshal.
Manstein enjoyed the highest glory as a soldier.
But behind that glory there was a dark shadow.
Manstein always acted opportunistically.
Whenever there was something he had to take responsibility for, he always passed it on to his subordinates.
“Your Majesty. The Einsatzgruppen are planning an extermination operation in our area and are requesting your military assistance. What should we do?”
“I don’t know. I’ve never seen or heard of it. Do whatever you want with it.”
Manstein never signed any document that would hold him accountable.
That prudent conduct paid off after the war.
“That bastard Manstein is a war criminal!”
The Soviet Union was targeting Manstein for aiding and abetting numerous war crimes in Ukraine.
Everyone was gnashing their teeth at the thought of catching and killing that sly rat at some point.
But there was no evidence.
“Bring me proof that I condoned war crimes.”
The responsibility ultimately fell largely on Manstein’s subordinates.
“Your Excellency, aren’t you ashamed of your actions?”
Although some people rebuked him like this, Manstein responded with a calm face.
“I am innocent. My only crime is that I served as a German soldier.”
Manstein received only a short sentence.
And, at the same time as the establishment of West Germany, he was granted amnesty.
The reason was that in a situation where the two sides were in direct conflict, it would be a waste to leave an experienced soldier who had fought against the Soviet army rot away in prison.
The world now hated the Reds more than the Nazis.
“This is a world that has become right.”
Manstein was able to walk out into the bright world like that.
When he first came out of prison, he had no intention of engaging in political activity.
I just thought I’d write a memoir about this war and wrap up my final years.
Manstein found himself drawn to the claim while researching materials on Lee Seong-jun to organize his book, Lost Victories.
“This, this is.”
I felt a strong resonance that I had never felt from Adolf Hitler, who I had regarded as nothing more than a foolish Bohemian corporal.
Lee Seong-jun talks about Korean-style democracy.
Within it were the unique values of the German Empire that could not be hidden by the packaging of democracy.
Military dictatorship.
The Yi Seong-jun style Yushin contained everything that the old empire of the Junkers had longed for.
Exactly, this is it.
This Lee Seong-jun’s ideology must be transplanted to Germany.
After leaving prison, Manstein felt a calling for the times for the first time.
It was for this very reason that he served a short sentence.
Manstein read the books written by Lee Seong-jun without rest.
In every sentence and word that I had not taken seriously when I thought of them as nothing more than uncivilized yellow Untermensch, enemies of the Empire, I found something worth chewing on.
Lee Seong-jun.
Why was this person not born in the German Empire?
Manstein thought.
If there is no Lee Seong-jun in this country, why don’t we create one?
Why not make students study Lee Seong-jun’s philosophy and values?
That required power.
I needed strength.
Force was needed.
Manstein began promoting Lee Seong-jun’s ideology to his fellow Junkers.
Finally, the Nazis proved that Lee Seong-jun’s ideology was popular in the empire.
There are sound guidelines that appeal to the citizens of the Empire and are filled with values that make the hearts of Junkers beat faster.
Does it make sense to reject this?
Manstein’s sales efforts soon paid off.
A number of former generals, including Manstein, gathered for a founding ceremony.
“German Restoration! We will show the compass to this lost shipwreck!”
The Germans thought the Junkers were up to no good again.
But it wasn’t.
The Junkers truly believed that we needed to reform ourselves into a ‘rational democracy.’
“A united nation under a strong leader. If we want to recreate the glory of Bismarck, Lee Seong-jun is the answer.”
The Junkers have shown a willingness to give up their vested interests to do so.
Of course, most of the lands and properties owned by the Von nobles were blown away by the Soviet Army, but the attitude itself was a surprising change.
“Now we have to change from head to toe. Only then can Germany catch up with Korea. We can compete with Lee Seong-jun.”
Manstein, who was elected honorary leader of the German Restoration Party, spoke tirelessly to the people.
“No, why are the Junkers acting so shamelessly?”
This was also an imitation of Lee Seong-jun.
Manstein imitated the popular politics of the Rhee clan and did not skip events that the Junkers would never do, such as visiting markets, carrying coal from coal mines, and visiting slums.
When the German Restoration Party showed its sincerity in reproducing Korean-style democracy, the German people’s thoughts also changed a little.
“If you think about it, was it Hitler who ruined the country or the Junkers?”
“Oh, I told you they were the ones who got screwed during World War I.”
In any case, the Junkers’ German Restoration Party grew in power at a frightening rate.
It was a terrifying situation for the German government.
“Can’t those guys disband?”
“No matter how defensive democracy we adopt, if we continue to abuse it, it is only a matter of time before our government becomes corrupt.”
The German government was reluctant to touch the Junkers.
Even though they had lost all their teeth, the Junkers were the vested interests of this society.
They were on a different level from the worthless Nazis.
The Junkers were also aware of this fact and became even more powerful.
The Junkers openly sought to revive the nostalgia for the days of the German Empire by arranging parades of honor guards dressed in old imperial attire, including splendid uniforms and pickelhaubes.
“That’s it! That’s what Germany should have!”
Those who were frustrated by the disbandment of the military were deeply moved by the events of the Yushin Society.
Just as the flashy Nazi uniforms were admired by young people, the stylish parade of the Yushinhoe stole their hearts.
The Yushin Party now boasted enough strength to compete with the major political parties in Germany.
Major political parties, including the Democratic Party of Korea, the Liberal Democratic Party, and the Social Democratic Party, were terrified by their growth.
Whether German politics feared it or not, Manstein raised the party banner high.
“Your Excellency, thank you for visiting our radio station.”
Manstein, like Lee Seong-jun and Goebbels, actively utilized propaganda media.
Of course, unlike them who were professional propagandists, Manstein was not good at speaking.
However, Manstein had the support of experts.
If you spoke poorly, you could have an announcer correct you, and if you wrote poorly, you could have the party’s outstanding theoretician write the manuscript for you.
Manstein simply had to stand before the nation with the results.
“Dear citizens, we, the German Reform Party, are a party that dreams of a new Germany. Some say, isn’t that party the party of the old, old-fashioned, conservative Junkers?”
Of course, that was a fact.
“No, that’s not true. Where are the Junkers today? In the east of the Elbe, the Junkers have lost all their lands and property. Now, it’s meaningless to even divide them into classes, whether they are Junkers or non-Junkers. There are no Junkers anymore.”
Maybe that was true.
“So, we must throw away the old ideas and unite. What does classism matter? What does status matter? Didn’t we learn under the boots of the Ivans? No matter what we defined ourselves as, we were all the same fascists in the eyes of the Ivans. When you think about it, isn’t it funny how those who call us Junkers and imperialists behave?”
“We must not fall for the tricks of such a lowly crowd. We will never be able to re-establish Germany if we fall for the tricks of those who seek to divide and split. We will never see a strong Germany again. Do you want that? So let us forget their words and unite once more. Let us revive the glory of Bismarck’s time, when from Maas to Memel, from Etsch to the Baltic, everyone was united and shouted for glory.”
Manstein even nonchalantly mentioned a now taboo phrase from the German national anthem.
It was an investigation targeting German patriotism.
“We, the German Restoration Society, will help you to achieve that. We will support you in achieving your dreams. We will not presume to lead you like the Bohemian corporals who devoured your country. Just give us the opportunity to guide you.”
Manstein’s speech resonated with the German people.
“Your Excellency Manstein! Can our Germany really rise again?”
“Of course. We can do it if we unite with Korean-style democracy!”
Manstein sold a dream to the German people.
The color of that dream is a bit dark, but what does that matter?
It doesn’t matter if it’s white or black, as long as it tastes good.
The German Restoration Party led by Manstein grew into the fourth-largest political party in Germany.
Given more time, perhaps they too might have a chance at power.
While Europe was suffering from fascists and imperialists, in Germany the militarists rose again following the Nazis.
In Germany, time still stood still in the Weimar Republic era.