I Will Stage A Coup D’état - Chapter 182



Only Noblemtl

EP.182 Post-Cold War(?) (1)

When Beria, who had been at the core of the Malenkov regime, collapsed, Moscow revised some of its extreme policies.

The representative policy was the German unification policy of reconciling with the West and giving up East Germany.

Stalin had made similar proposals to the West several times, but it was only possible because he was Stalin.

It was not a story that Beria, who had no time to spare, could bring up lightly.

‘When you say things like that, the military can’t stand it anymore and they stage a coup.’

Even I thought it was crazy talk.

It was no different from sticking one’s face out to the military, whose hands were already itching, and asking them to slap him.

However, the conciliatory tone itself has not changed.

Khrushchev, who had real power, also wanted to rebuild the economy of the Union through reconciliation with the West, so the atmosphere of the end of the Cold War continued.

It was an atmosphere that I didn’t particularly like.

If the United States and the Soviet Union reconcile, our room to maneuver will be reduced as we are caught between them.

However, I didn’t think this trend would last long.

‘Capitalism and communism, the two camps cannot live happily together forever.’

If that were possible, even dogs and monkeys, who are enemies, could become friends.

Anyway, in the short term, a rather troublesome trend has formed.

But that doesn’t mean we were in a position to cower at the sight of a smile.

‘I guess I’ll have to strike first before they make a move.’

I decided to start by visiting the Soviet Union, our security ally.

The nominal purpose was to meet with Communist Party Secretary Malenkov, but in reality, the schedule was to meet the real power holder, Khrushchev.

“Your Majesty, welcome to Moscow.”

“Thank you for your hospitality.”

I exchanged greetings with Malenkov, who came out to meet me at the airport.

Malenkov’s impression was quite plausible, but I thought he was not a face fit for a leader, as he was soon to be removed from power.

“Comrade Secretary General. The two countries of Korea and the Soviet Union have been cooperating well so far. Isn’t that right?”

“It is as the Prime Minister said. I hope that today’s discussion will have good results.”

On the first day, we talked with Malenkov about economic cooperation between Korea and the Soviet Union.

We agreed to a kind of barter trade in which we would provide machinery and manufactured goods, and the Soviet Union would provide resources and technology.

Of course, this was merely a reconfirmation of the matters agreed upon by the working-level staff.

After the formal talks were over, the real game began.

On the second day, Khrushchev, First Secretary of the Communist Party, appeared instead of Malenkov.

Because Khrushchev and I did not get along, the second day’s meeting was held informally.

“Comrade First Secretary, it is a pleasure to talk to you like this.”

“I cannot express in words how grateful I am for Your Excellency the Prime Minister taking the time to do this for me.”

Khrushchev took a more humble stance than expected.

I don’t know why, but it was obvious that he was looking at me with difficulty.

Was I, this Lee Seong-jun, such a burdensome person?

To make the mood comfortable, I started by talking about current events so that we could both talk comfortably.

“We, the Republic of Korea, believe that the future situation depends on the USSR. In that sense, I would like to ask the First Secretary a question. What is your outlook on the future of the USSR-USSR relationship?”

“I think things will go well. We also want reform and opening up, and the United States will not oppose it, so reconciliation will soon become the world’s trend.”

Khrushchev expressed his intention to continue pursuing the path of reform and openness.

He was the one who would continue the lineage of reformist secretaries.

However, there was no guarantee that Khrushchev’s wish would come true.

Even the famous Cuban nuclear crisis was a problem that occurred during the Khrushchev era.

This world was lurking with elements of even more acute conflict.

The problem of Soviet troops stationed in Türkiye, the military demarcation line drawn in Italy, Indochina divided into North and South, and Cuba still remaining a variable.

The peace that the Red Communist Empire dreamed of was far away.

“I hope things go well. I too am a person who wants to live in a peaceful world.”

The story that is told on the surface is always like this.

The truth is, I was hoping for a confrontation between smiles.

As the atmosphere became more relaxed, I shared a cigarette with Khrushchev.

“It tastes good, Prime Minister.”

“It’s a Havana cigar, so it should be fine. But you shouldn’t taste it. It’s quite expensive.”

The mood lightened a bit after smoking a cigarette.

I took the opportunity to offer some advice to Khrushchev.

“By any chance, First Secretary, are you interested in farming?”

“There are a lot. But how do you do that?”

“I thought you would be very interested in agriculture, since the people’s livelihood depends on it.”

“It seems like you went into my heart and came out.”

Khrushchev talked a lot about agriculture.

It certainly seems like he’s serious about farming.

I need to say something.

“In fact, if you look at the reasons why farmers fail in farming, it is because they do things they should never do in farming. The Federation should also be careful not to do things it should not do.”

“It’s something you shouldn’t do.”

“First of all, I recommend that you do not grow corn.”

I started by pointing out that Khrushchev was going to eat a ton of corn.

“I’d like to hear why you say that.”

“Corn is extremely nutrient-intensive, and the federation doesn’t have enough chemical fertilizer to support it. Once you start growing corn, the depletion of soil will soon cause a sharp decline in production.”

“Let’s take a look.”

“You might want to listen to Dr. Lysenko’s story too. He would argue that vernalization would make the seeds more tolerant of temperature changes, but if that were the case, we would be doing it too.”

I gave Khrushchev various advice to prevent the agricultural failure that was one of the reasons for his downfall.

There was, of course, a reason for giving Khrushchev this advice.

‘If Khrushchev can hold on steadily, won’t the Soviet Union avoid a gray era?’

The Soviet Union must continue to grow steadily.

Until we catch up with America in the shadows.

Of course, that would be possible if Khrushchev accepted my advice.

What if I don’t listen?

Then, the only option is to work with the next runner, Brezhnev.

Through my conversations with Khrushchev, I confirmed his reformist and open-minded tendencies.

‘Everything is good, but the personality is not good.’

I felt it during our conversation, but unlike Stalin, Khrushchev had a bold side.

You might wonder what the heck that is wrong, but in a Cold War where adventurism could spark a nuclear war, it was a significant risk factor.

The talks continued for three days.

In the end we were able to treat each other very friendly.

“Your Majesty, the next time we meet, I will treat you with the utmost courtesy as the head of state, so you can look forward to it.”

“I look forward to it, Comrade Secretary Nikita.”

We ended our meeting with a quick bow to each other, as communist leaders do.

Given Nikita Khrushchev’s attitude, it seemed that the Soviet Union would pursue a friendly position toward Korea.

As expected, it was a good thing that I drew the line in advance.

‘I don’t know about America.’

Originally, Eisenhower, who was the commander-in-chief of the European front, was supposed to become president, but this time things were a little different.

Eisenhower declined to run for office in 1952 and remained commander in chief in Italy.

Thanks to this, Democratic Governor Adlai Ewing Stevenson was able to defeat Republican candidate Robert Alphonso Taft and become president.

I knew Eisenhower, but not much about Stevenson, so I was a bit cautious about this guy.

During my crossing of the Atlantic, I read Stevenson’s material again and again.

“Bald heads of the world, unite!”

Stevenson had a sense of humor, making this joke in the era when McCarthy was running wild.

As soon as I arrived in the United States, I was greeted by Vice President John Sparkman.

According to the Central Intelligence Agency, he was a racist who supported racial segregation.

But, for all that, his attitude toward me wasn’t that bad.

I guess I was an honorary white person among those gentlemen.

I chatted with Sparkman for about an hour, then had lunch with President Stevenson.

At lunch, Stevenson expressed some disappointment.

“I thought that His Excellency the Prime Minister had become closer to Washington after abolishing the Yushin regime. But he came to the Soviet Union before us.”

Of course, even if we usually treat the Soviet Union badly, we have to show our support for these ceremonies so that Moscow will continue to think of us as something like an ally.

I had no choice.

“I just looked for countries that are geographically close. Next time, let’s consider Washington.”

Stevenson must not have been serious either, as the subject quickly changed.

With the Soviet Union we talked about economic cooperation and agriculture, but with the United States the topic was a bit different.

“Market opening?”

“Yes, we would also like to sell some products in the Korean market.”

You’re doing that, right?

When I objected, Stevenson presented some numbers.

“I’m telling you that the tariffs are too high.”

Are the tariffs high?

Considering the times, isn’t 15% low enough?

It was after the Kennedy Round that the tariff rates of major countries fell below 10%.

“Considering the trade imbalance between the two countries, I think it would be desirable for Korea to lower its tariff rate a bit more.”

“I will consider it.”

Just thinking about it.

Why should I pay customs duties for a few words?

Stevenson wouldn’t have any such expectations either.

This was nothing more or less than an expression of the US’s dissatisfaction with Korea’s trade surplus.

The dialogue with the United States was consistently stiff.

I was a bit annoyed by the fact that his attitude had become somewhat stiff, even though there was a possibility of reconciliation with the communist bloc.

But, given the nature of America, it was natural.

‘They have now fully realized that they are the world’s number one superpower.’

Although he didn’t come across as overbearing to us, he was making it clear that he was one step ahead.

It was annoying, but I had no choice but to endure it for a while.

‘Let’s meet again after the mood of reconciliation ends.’

By then the positions will be reversed again.