I Will Stage A Coup D’état - Chapter 25



Only Noblemtl

EP.25 The Art of War (1)

Overnight, the world’s fifth largest power, the Korean Empire, was overturned.

And then, a man named Lee Seong-jun, who had never been heard of before, rose to become the de facto top power.

The world was shocked by this amazing news.

It was hard to believe that the country that was supposedly the most powerful country in the East had experienced two coups d’état in just a few years.

If everyone was shocked by the December 8 coup, the Chinese government expressed anticipation for this incident.

“The fact that a coup has occurred among the Gaolibangz is proof that the contradictions and discontent within their society have exploded. How can Pyongyang continue the war in this situation? Now that their exhaustion has reached its peak, we need to set new negotiation conditions, Minister of Foreign Affairs!”

“Yes, Chairman.”

“Inform Ambassador Trautman that peace negotiations must proceed on terms more favorable to us than previously discussed.”

At Chiang Kai-shek’s instructions, Foreign Minister Zhang Qun sighed inwardly.

What kind of people are Koreans that they would accept someone’s words of kicking over a table that has already been set for them?

It was absurd.

But the decision maker was Chiang Kai-shek.

Zhang Qian had no choice but to meet with the German ambassador to China, Oskar Trautmann.

However, it seemed that Trautmann also had something to say to Zhang Qian.

“Ambassador. We, China, would like to negotiate on new terms that reflect your demands.”

At those words, Trautmann sighed.

“We have already heard from Korea that they are considering changing the terms of the negotiations.”

At those words, Jang-chun had some hope.

Was South Korea’s new military regime an Asianist, advocating Asian solidarity?

In that case, it would not have been strange if they had taken a tolerant stance toward China.

“Let’s go in and see.”

But Trautmann’s next words betrayed his expectations.

“In exchange for dropping other conditions, the South Korean government wants to transfer all rights related to the railways in the North China region.”

“What, what?”

Zhang Qian was astonished.

Are Koreans crazy?

If those conditions are accepted, North China will become a semi-colony of Korea.

When a great power invades another country, would they first demand the right to build railroads?

The terrible times of the late Shun Dynasty replayed in my mind.

Naturally, Jang-Chun’s face turned bright red.

“Absolutely not, I can’t accept this even if a knife is put to my throat!”

“Okay, I understand.”

In his conversation with Trautmann, Zhang Qian realized that the new military regime was even more ruthless than Park Han-jin.

In any case, this fact needed to be reported to Chiang Kai-shek.

“What? You want me to hand over the management of the North China Railway to Korea?”

“That was Ambassador Trautman’s message.”

Chiang Kai-shek was extremely agitated by Zhang Qun’s report.

Given this, it seemed difficult to find a diplomatic solution for the time being, separate from the coup situation in Korea.

‘There’s nothing we can do. We have no choice but to find a way to inform the Pyongyang regime of the reality.’

Chiang Kai-shek invited General Alexander von Falkenhausen, the head of the German military advisory group in China, to dinner.

“Thank you for inviting me, Chairman.”

“Please sit comfortably, General.”

Over a meal, Chiang Kai-shek suggested that they launch an offensive against the South Korean military, which had been thrown into disarray by the recent coup.

As soon as Falkenhausen heard those words, he stopped cutting meat with his knife.

“Chairman, that’s impossible.”

Anyone else would have shouted at him, but this was his most trusted military advisor.

“What is the reason?”

“We do not have enough forces to launch an offensive. Hasn’t Your Majesty’s central direct army been largely destroyed in the Battle of Shanghai?”

Falkenhausen reminded Chiang Kai-shek of the painful truth.

Since the outbreak of the Sino-Korean War on August 21, 1937, the Chinese army has been pushed back helplessly.

Although the North China front was able to withstand the offensive by relying on natural barriers such as the Yellow River, the eastern coast was different.

Shanghai, which Chiang Kai-shek had stubbornly attempted to defend, was crushed by the overwhelming power of the Korean Navy, and most of the 73 divisions deployed were forced to retreat after losing their heavy weapons.

The Central Army’s losses were also great, with 27 of its 30 divisions being obliterated without a trace.

In the process, even the absolute defensive line, the ‘Zekt Line’, which Zekt and Falkenhausen had painstakingly built, collapsed, putting Nanjing’s defense in jeopardy.

In this situation, how can you go on the offensive against the Korean military?

Falkenhausen thought the chairman was too excited by the news of the coup.

Of course, Chiang Kai-shek’s stubbornness was not easily broken.

“If we’re talking about strategy, the general’s story is right. I admit that the general is more of an expert than I am. But politics is a different story.”

Chiang Kai-shek emphasized that the Korean military should not miss the opportunity created by the coup.

Chiang Kai-shek argued that if this opportunity was missed, the Korean army would have to regroup and fight under more unfavorable conditions.

“If we only achieve a tactical victory this time, the coup regime will inevitably face a severe political burden. Then, we will be able to conclude this war on more favorable terms.”

That doesn’t mean Chiang Kai-shek was talking nonsense.

There were many cases where the actual situation and the outcome of the war were different.

Even in the Tet Offensive during the Vietnam War, American forces achieved an overwhelming tactical victory against the infiltrating Viet Cong.

The North Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces that took part in the attack suffered catastrophic losses, leading some to assess that it was a case of ‘suicide’ by the Vietnamese military.

But the actual political dynamics worked in the opposite direction.

Americans felt they were losing the war, noting that even their embassies were under threat from the Viet Cong.

In the aftermath, Washington found itself in the ironic situation of having won militarily but lost politically.

What Chiang Kai-shek wanted was theoretically similar to what the North Vietnamese army was aiming for.

Although Falkenhausen did not refute Chiang Kai-shek’s logic, he still expressed a negative view of the offensive.

How foolish would it be to throw away what little money you have left for the possibility of a political victory?

Falkenhausen clicked his tongue, saying that Chiang Kai-shek had not learned anything from his one mistake in Shanghai.

“Chairman, if you must go on the offensive, it would be better to postpone it until January.”

“Go ahead.”

“I heard that Lee Seong-jun, the new leader of the regime, is not a very high-ranking figure in the military hierarchy. If someone like him were to rise to the top, the high-ranking generals would certainly feel uncomfortable.”

Chiang Kai-shek also agreed.

“If someone like this takes power, a purge within the military is inevitable. So you have to wait until Lee Seong-jun touches the generals on the front lines.”

“Wait.”

Chiang Kai-shek was lost in thought after hearing those words.

Wait.

For the Chinese, ‘waiting’ was a familiar thing.

China has always been patient, waiting, and tolerant.

So in the end, we won.

Chiang Kai-shek finally decided to give in a little.

“Understood. I will postpone the offensive as the general advised.”

For Chiang Kai-shek, who had been patient for a long time, a month was nothing special.

‘But is it possible for the Chinese military to properly carry out the offensive?’

Falkenhausen was not so sure about this.

*

“Your Majesty. It is the schedule for the field commanders to be summoned.”

“It’s December for everyone.”

I was lost in thought as I read the report submitted by Security Commander Kim Seong-ju.

In a war situation, recalling frontline field army commanders was an action close to being absurd.

However, some high-risk individuals had to go through the summons process.

If we had not called them to Pyongyang and taken away military power, they could have revealed this to us using their war achievements as a backdrop.

It is a challenge from a war hero who is against us.

It’s a terrifying scenario just to think about.

If we were not to give up our limited resource of influence within the military to that dangerous enemy, we had to take some risks.

“Should I adjust my schedule?”

“no.”

While the commanders were recalled one after another, China could have launched an offensive, but it was a risk it could take.

At least in the ‘webtoon’ that I know, the Chinese army is a weak enemy that cannot be dealt with even if division-level operations are properly carried out.

There wouldn’t be a problem if we just defended ourselves.

After cutting off the guy who needs to be cut, reorganizing the battle line, and thinking about the next move.

Because strengthening control within the military is a priority rather than in China.

“I will organize the list and post it soon.”

“Thank you for your hard work, sir.”

Kim Seong-ju saluted and then left the office.

Assuming that the military is carrying out its final purge, what will China do?

I thought about it.

If you think about it, Park Han-jin overcame all the difficult times of the Sino-Korean war.

We crossed the Yellow River in some areas, took Shanghai, and broke the impregnable Jecht Line.

Looking at it this way, it wasn’t that Park Han-jin couldn’t fight a war.

The timing was no less than that of Hitler, who slapped the Soviet Union in the ear with precision.

Well then, what do you do?

Like Hitler, he started a war that would destroy the country.

Anyway, back to the main topic from the Park Han-jin story,

The only task left for the imperial forces is to capture the capital city of Nanjing.

But as someone who knows both the original novel and the webtoon, I absolutely could not touch Namgyeong.

Because if we occupy it, any possibility of reconciliation with China will disappear forever.

In the first place, China won’t fall even if it eats Nanjing.

China had endless space and cities to move its capital to.

Even if we take Hanyang, Wuchang, or any other place where we can move the capital, we can still move it to Zhongjing in Sichuan Province, where Liu Bei’s Shu Kingdom was located.

The Chinese landmass is so vast, and we did not have the capacity to conquer their entire continent.

Under these circumstances, it was impossible to force China to surrender militarily.

If you believe that’s possible, you should compare my brainpower to that of the original headquarters.

So the best option is negotiation.

But things in this world don’t always go as planned.

I had to consider the possibility that things might not work out the way I wanted.

What if something undesirable like that happens?

Negotiation is not possible.

Then we need to remove the obstacles that are blocking the negotiation.

Even in the Korean War (6.25), when Stalin, who had been trying to block an armistice, died, an armistice agreement was signed as if by magic.

The same goes for the Korea-China negotiations.

If we get rid of Chiang Kai-shek, the core of the hard-line war theory, all problems will be solved.

‘If the far-off Germans were trying to get rid of the mustachioed Führer they had elected, it wouldn’t be surprising if the warlords who started the war to kill Chiang Kai-shek were trying to get rid of their own bosses.’

It’s not that those guys agreed to do it, it’s just that it looks that way.

I also decided to consider assassinating Chiang Kai-shek in case the negotiations failed.

Emergency times require emergency measures.

This was my plan B to end the war.