I Will Stage A Coup D’état - Chapter 47



Only Noblemtl

EP.47 Our Style of Democracy (3)

When Lee Seong-jun started ‘Korean-style democracy’, Asian countries that had been watching Pyongyang as a model were influenced.

“Asia needs clothes that fit Asia. Perhaps the ‘Korean-style democracy’ proposed by His Excellency Lee Seong-jun is the answer.”

Even the Chinese who were gnashing their teeth at Korea at the time showed interest in the Korean-style democracy that Lee Seong-jun was talking about.

‘Considering the reality of the divided Republic of China, wouldn’t it be right for a strong military to take the lead and lead the country first?’

The fact that there is not much difference in the actual content between the so-called training and other things in the Republic of China also reduced the resistance of Chinese intellectuals.

Chiang Kai-shek quickly read this mood.

If you think about it, following Lee Seong-jun wasn’t necessarily a bad thing.

Chiang Kai-shek suggested to his confidants in the Executive Yuan that they try implementing Korean-style reforms.

“Even though he is our enemy, wouldn’t it be good to learn from Lee Seong-jun’s efforts to reform the system in order to pursue political stability?”

Executive Yuan Vice Premier Kong Xiangxi thought that Chiang Kai-shek had crossed the line, but he did not take up arms to protest.

Even if it weren’t for him, there would have been many people who would have opposed it.

“Chiang Kai-shek, has this guy gone senile?”

When Chiang Kai-shek’s plan became known, the anti-Chiang faction within the Kuomintang unanimously criticized the chairman.

“Remember what Yuan Shikai said. We have no intention of serving Emperor Zhang!”

When his opponents reacted so strongly, Chiang Kai-shek took a step back, saying that there seemed to have been a ‘misunderstanding’.

And then I felt regretful.

‘This country is not good like this. It needs to be led by an absolute leader with full authority like Korea, so that it can confront external enemies.’

If we cannot unite and move in unison from the leaders down, how can we protect our sovereignty and independence from the great powers like Korea?

Those fools didn’t learn anything from their defeat in the Sino-Korean war.

‘No wonder I’m alone in this country.’

However, it was ambiguous to make a decision to save the country like Lee Seong-jun.

Even if he made a decision to save the country, it would only provoke the warlords outside his direct control.

While Chiang Kai-shek was impressed by Lee Seong-jun’s Korean-style democracy, the situation in Japan was subtly different.

In the first place, since the real power in the country was held by Japanese Resident-General Yi Dong-nyeong, the central government was structured in a way that it could not practice Korean-style democracy even if it wanted to.

“That’s the Tokyo situation.”

The 66 vassal states that made up Japan began to adopt Korean-style democracy on their own.

“While pretending to give power to those below them, the real power continues to be held by this side. As expected, Lee Seong-jun is a bad guy.”

“If you give a few seats to these bastards and take a lot of money from them, it’s a profitable business, right?”

The Japanese aristocracy believed that Korean-style democracy was easier to accept than Western-style democracy.

If we were to preemptively reform in a situation where Western civilization was being imported under Korean influence anyway, it would have been wise to adopt Korean-style democracy.

In this way, Lee Seong-jun’s Korean-style democracy drew considerable attention in China and Japan.

Of course, in the United States, the birthplace of democracy, Korean-style democracy was laughed at.

“What kind of democracy is that? Even the German Empire didn’t do it that way.”

What kind of democracy is this when the military blatantly appoints and seats a quarter of the members of the National Assembly?

But it was admirable that they were trying to pretend to be democratic while doing such ridiculous things.

Anyway, among the sovereign nations of Asia, there was not a single country that pretended to be democratic, as they were all authoritarian governments.

It is true that Lee Seong-jun’s Korean Empire had a very advanced system by Asian standards.

“That’s just right for the level of the yellow guys.”

Americans, while cynical, initially responded positively to South Korea’s democratic ‘reforms.’

The reason was simple.

“With Hitler running wild across the Atlantic, there’s no need to bother the Koreans.”

Above all, South Korea’s ‘cautious conduct’ after the Allied Forces’ defeat eased the hostility of the United States.

When we see that the Lee Seong-jun administration is using its political power to suppress voices that want to expand domestically, it deserves to be treated as a ‘rational dialogue partner’.

Even if it is a military dictatorship.

The United States treated Korea more favorably than before.

In trade as well, friendly tariffs were imposed prior to the military takeover.

It was an unexpected benefit for Seongjun.

In contrast, the Soviet Union reacted somewhat bewildered.

‘Korean-style democracy? Is it something like fascism?’

Of course, the fascists and the Lee Seong-jun regime had different goals and ways of governing the country.

But the Korean-style democracy smelled strongly of fascism.

‘Isn’t this Korea trying to stick to Germany?’

Stalin, who was very suspicious, suspected that Lee Seong-jun’s reforms were preliminary preparations for joining Germany.

He spent several days in the Kremlin mulling over South Korea’s intentions before making his decision.

“We need to send some people to Korea from the International Party and Pravda.”

On Stalin’s instructions, the party and Pravda immediately drafted people and sent them to Pyongyang.

A few days later, journalists Richard Sorge and Walter Ulbricht arrived in Pyongyang.

They signed a contract for a decent apartment in downtown Pyongyang, then started buying newspapers.

“These are the Korean newspapers that came out recently.”

Sorge and Ulbricht sat across from each other in the living room of their apartment, reading the article while asking questions to a Korean interpreter.

‘The Lee Seong-jun administration does not want southern expansion, even if it means suppressing public opinion.’

Why?

Could it be that they are aiming for somewhere else?

But soon they found out that this was not the case.

‘There’s no reason for Lee Seong-jun, who keeps rejecting opportunities to expand his territory, to do so. So, I’m saying this sincerely.’

Then, why is Lee Seong-jun embracing something similar to fascism?

They also analyzed Sungjun’s policies and speeches to the nation.

After studying for a few days and asking Koreans what they thought, I was able to vaguely understand Lee Seong-jun’s intentions.

Lee Seong-jun was not interested in fascism.

He was just very interested in power.

‘This is purely a misunderstanding within the party.’

Ulbricht and Sorge sent a report along these lines to Moscow.

“I misunderstood, is that really so?”

Stalin reread the report several times.

It was to find another meaning that he had not confirmed.

But all that was written was to show that Stalin’s own suspicions were wrong.

‘No. This may be because I’m not fully aware of the situation.’

Stalin was a paranoid man who would dig endlessly until he found evidence to support his suspicions.

Even if Korea, the target of his suspicions, was innocent, Stalin had no doubt that something was up.

“I need to send someone again.”

Stalin, busy keeping a close watch on Germany, sent additional party members to Korea.

Faith and distrust, allies and potential enemies.

Stalin was at a loss as to how to deal with Korea in the face of its enemy, Germany.

Voroshilov couldn’t stand to watch any longer and spoke out.

“Koba, what was the reason you wanted to join hands with the Koreans in the first place?”

“Well, I thought Koreans would need us.”

“Were you ideologically close to us at that time?”

That wasn’t it either.

South Korea’s militaristic and authoritarian ideology was identical to that of the German Empire, which had attacked Imperial Russia.

“What are you trying to say?”

“We are facing our enemy, Germany. It is difficult to even focus on Europe right now. In this situation, would it be beneficial to the survival of the Federation to provoke Korea?”

“But if the Koreans betray us.”

“That’s just your suspicion. The Koreans and we each have dangerous potential enemies that would betray each other.”

Korea had the United States as a potential enemy, and the Soviet Union had Germany as a potential enemy.

Of course, Sung-Jun is struggling to avoid making the United States his enemy, but that is the picture reflected in international dynamics.

Stalin poured himself a glass of brandy.

“Koba. Think carefully. We are in a situation where we absolutely cannot face threats from enemies on both sides. Even if you want to be suspicious, you cannot.”

That’s what it was.

Considering the ferocious threat posed by Germany today, Korea should have been kept as an absolute ally.

“Then I need a safety device that can give me peace of mind.”

“It’s a safety device.”

Voroshilov thought for a moment.

How can we reassure a dictator?

After some thought, Voroshilov came up with an idea.

“How about this? Talking directly with Lee Seong-jun?”

It’s a negotiation.

If you think about it, Stalin only met Lee Seong-jun once.

It was impossible to fully understand the inner workings of a politician with just that one look.

But if you could see it one more time, you would know a lot more.

Finally, there was a reason to meet Lee Seong-jun.

‘If it’s just a matter of meeting between heads of state, not just the chiefs of staff, to confirm whether the non-aggression pact will remain in effect, then that would be a reason to hold the talks.’

Stalin was a man who was cautious when it was necessary to be cautious, but quicker than anyone when a decision was needed.

“You’re right. I need to meet Lee Seong-jun again.”

“Good idea.”

Stalin happily shared the brandy with Voroshilov.

Now that his worries were resolved, the dictator wasn’t in such a bad mood.

Stalin and his close friends drank, laughed, and talked late into the night.

It was an incident brought about by Korean-style democracy.