Joseon Needs a Coup - Chapter 113
Only Noblemtl
#113. Unexpected development (1)
“Your Majesty! This is a message from our troops who have gone on a campaign in Qing!”
A eunuch came running out of breath. King Gojong, who had been enjoying tea time for a while and chatting with his close associates, briefly showed his displeasure at the eunuch who dared to spoil his pleasant time, but soon changed his expression and said.
“Why are you telling me so urgently?”
“They say they achieved a great victory.”
“What?”
Emperor Gojong’s close associates who were also attending tea time also grumbled.
His personal military adviser, General Kadual, smiled and made a face that said, “Well, then, that’s okay,” while the commander of the Royal Guard Brigade, Lieutenant General Lee Gyu-tae, and the commander of the Demonstration Brigade, Lieutenant General Lee Geun-taek, just smiled incomprehensibly.
One side had a somewhat satisfied expression, while the other side was trying to smile, but they looked uncomfortable for some reason.
“It is said that Regimental Commander Kim Si-hyeok personally led his men to crush the enemy lines and rescued Admiral Yeonggili and his 2,000 men who had been isolated by the Cheongbi. This was reported directly from the Russian Navy officer who was in Tianjin.”
Then he handed me a sheet of paper with a lot of Russian written on it.
After accepting it, Gojong told Kim Hong-ryuk, the magistrate of Hanseong, to read it.
He cleared his throat for a moment, then interpreted the message in a voice that had a strong Northeastern accent.
“···It is said that they killed about 2,000 people, including the leader of the so-called Boxer Rebellion, and defeated an estimated 10,000 enemies. They have now withdrawn to Tianjin with the isolated Allied Forces. It is written that the details will be reported directly through the Marshal’s Office by Regiment Commander Kim Si-hyeok.”
“Wow, that’s amazing. They say he’s a man sent from heaven.”
“That’s how much progress you can make with less than 2,000 troops? What a waste.”
Everyone seemed to find it hard to believe, but the fact that the person who sent it was none other than Lieutenant Colonel Linsterdam, the captain of the Corietz, made it impossible to say that the record was exaggerated.
In the first place, there was no need for them to lie and speak favorably about the achievements of the Korean Empire’s army.
Perhaps this story would have been featured in the media tomorrow.
Perhaps this incident will make many people question their own positions once again.
Lee Gyu-tae picked up the teacup in front of him with an inscrutable expression.
“This is the prosperity of the country and also the grace of Your Majesty. I congratulate you.”
“I congratulate you on your great victory!”
“Ah. Although I have suffered many hardships due to my lack of virtue, I have finally achieved a small victory today, so I feel a little relieved.”
Lee Gyu-tae caught a glimpse of the suspicious look on Emperor Gojong’s face, even if only for a moment.
We have seen him repeatedly try to keep a lid on anyone who might threaten his authority.
And while such behavior may have had its benefits, overall it was also something to be wary of.
Because we don’t know when or where the sword that eliminated Park Yeong-hyo and the pro-Japanese collaborators in 1895 will be pointed.
“Your Majesty, please give generous rewards to the soldiers who raised the reputation of Korea by reporting the victory.”
“Yes, Your Majesty. How wonderful this is!”
“The war is not over yet. We have only won a small victory, and our special ministers and officials of other countries in Beijing are still waiting for rescue. It is not too late to consider rewards and rewards after everything is over. Rather, it is time to watch closely until we advance to Beijing.”
Right next to him, Yi Wan-yong seemed to have noticed Emperor Gojong’s displeasure and urged him on.
Lee Gyu-tae frowned at that sight.
Because of people like that, it seemed like the road ahead was getting longer.
“Also, only the achievements were reported, and there was no mention of how much damage the army suffered. This is something we will have to wait and see. Even if we were victorious, if we caused great damage to our own soldiers, how can we call it a complete achievement?”
“Yes, we will. Until the official report comes in, we must be cautious about awarding rewards.”
Park Je-soon and Lee Geun-taek were also involved.
When Lee Gyu-tae and Min Yeong-hwan looked at Lee Geun-taek with unpleasant expressions, he coughed in vain and sat down again.
I never thought that someone would intervene in the factional strife they were leading. The court was slowly splitting up, though it was not visible.
Although he held out longer than expected, it seemed like he was nothing in the face of power.
“Well, you can find out about such matters through our local advisor, Lieutenant Colonel Posh. Since the Russian Pacific Fleet Command has directly reported the great victory, it is clear that they have achieved a great victory, so I think it would be okay to give encouragement to the expeditionary force soldiers in His Majesty’s name.”
“Yes. We officers of the Russian Empire do not dare to tell lies. A letter and a gift containing His Majesty’s encouragement would be a sufficient reward.”
Perhaps sensing the sharp confrontation that was emerging, French adviser General Cadoual and Russian military attaché stationed at the embassy in Korea, Lieutenant Colonel Strelvitsky, proposed a mediation plan to Emperor Gojong.
Well, even though Gojong listened to his advisors, Lee Gyu-tae was secretly afraid that his suspicions might be misguided.
Considering what the sword-wielding army had been doing for the past forty years, he thought it was difficult to see Emperor Gojong’s suspicions as completely unfounded, but now the Heungseon Daewongun who had threatened him was gone, and Japan had also completely retreated in power since 1895.
If at such a time there had been even the slightest suspicion, a dark shadow might have been cast over the Wonsoobu system.
In addition, it was impossible to hear lightly the information from the Japanese embassy that people had been coming and going from the Imperial Household recently.
The Emperor might be preparing something without the Marshal’s knowledge.
This could be a much bigger deal than the last time they arbitrarily purchased 30,000 30-year-old rifles, but nothing has come of it yet.
Something had to be done.
***
“Hehehe, hehehe.”
Laughter flowed from a corner of the Japanese embassy.
The laughter coming from Minister Hayashi Gonsuke’s office seemed quite joyful, perhaps indicating that contacts with the Korean government were having some results.
After the Eulmi Incident, Japan had some success in maintaining its sphere of influence through a policy of appeasement toward Korea.
Of course, the sphere of influence was limited to the areas of Busan, Wonsan, and Jemulpo, but it was a feat in itself to have maintained it to this extent despite the concentrated economic attacks by the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Naejang.
Here, the First Bank of Japan notes still had more influence than the legal tender of the Korean government, and through this, Japan was able to maintain its position in Korea.
And when the time was ripe, they took action to regain their former influence.
The situation within the Korean government also provided them with an advantageous position.
“Your Majesty, the conciliatory policy of the past five years is beginning to have significant effects.”
“Joseon people are always the same. When one side becomes strong, they split up to check the other side. Perhaps this can be seen as their national character?”
For the first time in a long while, Minister Hayashi Gonsuke felt refreshed. The Korean government was showing signs of division again.
The cabinet formed through the so-called coup, which was called a coalition government of pro-Russian and pro-royalist factions, seemed to be swaying according to the whims of the Korean emperor.
“It seems that the Emperor of Korea is quite afraid of the royalist faction that holds military power.”
“Well, that makes sense.”
Overall, the Korean government was in turmoil. For nearly five years, the coalition government had seemed solid on the outside, but cracks were slowly appearing on all sides.
First of all, Minister of Foreign Affairs Park Je-soon and Minister of Internal Affairs Lee Wan-yong were slowly showing signs of defection.
As the royalist faction, which had seized military power, expanded its authority by using the emperor’s orders as an excuse, centering around the Marshal’s Office, a group of ministers began to keep them in check.
The funny thing was that the Min clan was there. They had joined the enemy forces in large numbers and were calling themselves pro-royalists. But in reality, it was just another power struggle.
Such a power struggle inevitably gave the Japanese embassy an opportunity. The pro-Russian faction, which was pushed aside by the military power and finances of the royalist faction, naturally split up to join hands with new figures, and began to contact the Japanese embassy, which was catching its breath by pursuing a policy of appeasement.
Their contact was a proclamation of the reestablishment of the information line from the Japanese embassy, which had collapsed since 1895, and was also connected to the reemergence of pro-Japanese elements.
The Japanese embassy, which had killed two birds with one stone, immediately reported the matter to its home country, and the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs also saw this as a positive sign and urged them to recruit more people.
This was also intended to establish a foundation for them to slowly operate secretly without revealing their true intentions to the Korean government, if possible.
“With the disappearance of the Director of Military Affairs, who could be said to be the hidden figure of the royalist faction, the rift appears to be accelerating.”
“I heard you had a great victory in Tianjin this time?”
“It seems that the Korean emperor’s suspicion is growing because of that.”
“For the persecuted, the emergence of a hero would mean a collapse of the existing narrative, so it makes sense.”
In their judgment, Kim Si-hyeok, the director of the Military Affairs Bureau, who was a key figure in the last coup and a key figure in the reorganization of the Korean military, was judged to be quite competent and loyal to the emperor.
It would not be an exaggeration to say that he was perhaps the most vehemently anti-Japanese figure, along with the peddler and the South Korean military in Pyongyang.
But the Korean emperor began to doubt even that.
“The more victories you win, the more you will see the Emperor challenging his authority. That is why we can leave room for intervention. Oh, and what is your response to the question of studying abroad at the Military Academy?”
“The response from the Korean Imperial Household Agency is quite positive.”
The Japanese embassy secretly invited about 20 outstanding Korean cadets through the Imperial Household Agency to study at the Japanese Military Academy.
Of course, the cost was borne by the Japanese government.
It was also included that if the Korean government so desires, more than 20 people can be sent as government-sponsored international students.
Of course, the cost of the extra personnel will have to be borne by the Korean government, not Japan, but it will still seem like a very good offer to them.
Well, in the long run, it was a means of nurturing Korean elites who would suit Japan’s tastes, but they would not be able to interpret it to that extent.
It may even lead to the idea that it could create a check and balance force within the military.
The principle of divide and conquer was what the Korean emperor had been practicing with his army.
It was the same when setting up a military base, when setting up a pro-military camp, and when operating training and demonstration units.
The methods may be slightly different, but the principles are always the same.
Well, it may be a panacea for maintaining one’s power, but if it is actually used against an external enemy, it will inevitably collapse.
Such an army is nothing more than grains of sand that have not come together.
Hayashi Gonsuke was devising a plan to gradually destroy the Korean government and military internally.
However, they felt that they were merely supporting actors, and that in the end, the main character would be the Korean royal family, who did not trust their own military and officials.
It was their job to set the stage for it.
“Anyway, let’s make sure to collect all the information within the Korean government and continue to focus on increasing the number of collaborators. While the two factions within the Korean government are isolating each other, we are making up for the lost time.”
“Of course.”
With a bitter smile, Hayashi looked at the ‘Five-Year Policy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Empire of Japan toward Korea’ with his fingers crossed.
As Foreign Minister Saionji and former Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu have said, the division of the Korean government and intellectuals through appeasement is the sword they can use most effectively at present.
Perhaps, if the Korean government accepted the cadets’ offer to study abroad, he would have invited more Korean intellectuals to Japan.
Because the brilliant success of the great Japanese Empire and the intellectuals who were steeped in its development were the most lethal weapon and dagger they could bring against Korea.
He wrote the end of his report with such a future in mind.
I also thought that maybe we could use the groups of Koreans who have taken refuge in Japan at a time like this.
[It is thought that within five years, the Korean government could enter a state of psychological ‘civil war’.]