Joseon Needs a Coup - Chapter 381
Only Noblemtl
#3-37. Behind Diplomacy (5)
“So now it is up to you, Special Envoy, to choose between war and peace. I hope you make a wise choice.”
Although they said this, in the end they had no choice. The Republic of China’s financial and internal situation had already reached a point where it was too difficult to wage war, and in the end, all that was left was to wait for peace negotiations that seemed reasonable, even if they were humiliating.
Still, perhaps trying to establish his own self-esteem, the construction manager of the Junggwangjeon building stood up and started to scold him.
“We can no longer stand by and watch your country’s trolling! Do you think the Japanese Empire will let your army advance all the way to Shanhaiguan?”
Lee Yong-ik held back his laughter. The Japanese Empire, which they believed was a last resort, had effectively given up sending its own fleet and ground forces, bowing to the allied offensive that was much faster than expected.
He didn’t know whether they knew it or not, but Lee Yong-ik tried hard to think that they were doing it knowingly. If they were saying it without knowing, it would make the other person look too pitiful.
“They will send fleets and ground forces to Tianjin! So that we will never see your country cut off Manchuria. Please remember how the Italian fleet failed when it tried to take Sanmen Bay.”
“Haha, that’s interesting. First of all, I would like you to note that the Kingdom of Italy and our Empire of Korea are in completely different situations.”
Italy’s Sammun Bay demonstration was a mere six destroyers, and it also failed due to the interference of the great powers who did not like the idea of China daring to stick a fork in the road when it was already divided up for easy sharing.
In addition, as a last resort to pride, the Qing Dynasty also gathered together the remaining fleet to respond… and that was why they ultimately failed. It was so different from them, who were currently demonstrating force by bringing battleships and even a large group of ships.
“And the Japanese Empire. I had a conversation with the Japanese plenipotentiary a few days ago. He said that if the current situation continues, the Japanese Empire will also send a fleet and ground forces to Manchuria. The reason is that it is a place to promote friendship between the two countries and to subdue Zhang Zuolin, who is a threat to the Dongchuk essential for the development of Manchuria.”
Although he didn’t originally mean it that way, Lee Yong-ik whined, thinking that this level of pressure was necessary for the special envoy of the Republic of China.
“What, what did you say?!”
“Haven’t you heard? The Japanese Empire wants to resolve this incident as peacefully as possible. They won’t send a fleet or ground forces as you want.”
These people, really didn’t know? Lee Yong-ik was now really feeling sorry for them. The Republic of China must have known that they were equal partners with Japan, but they must have realized it now.
That it was just a trump card to use against us.
Leaving the construction site of the lighthouse behind with a tired expression, this time Minister Cho Yeo-rim cleared her throat and took out the last card she had.
Of course, I don’t know if this will work, but from a political and diplomatic perspective, the meaning of not hesitating to go to war would have a completely different weight, so I threw it out there with a glimmer of hope.
“We also have an army of 600,000 men and a small but solid fleet in Tianjin. Please keep in mind that we can confidently respond to any military provocation from your country.”
But the answer that came back was a cruel crushing of such hopes. After all, it would be impossible for those who possessed the best intelligence agency in Asia to be unaware of the Republic of China’s ills.
Lee Yong-ik said this in a very confident voice.
“Is that so? Then I am truly looking forward to it. Try to break the siege of Yeonggu with ground forces and fleet. Just as Yeonggu was devastated by cannon fire, your fleet in Tianjin will also meet the same fate.”
Although Lee Yong-ik did not know how strong Yuan Shikai’s army was, he could trust that the Marshal’s staff were confident that they would have an overwhelming advantage over them.
Their army and navy doctrines were several orders of magnitude inferior to theirs. The army was nothing more than a large militia, and although the navy had accumulated experience since the days of the Beiyang Navy, it could not be ignored, but its size was too small.
The total displacement of the Republic of China’s fleet at the time was only 50,000 tons, and even that only consisted of 39 ships, including five protected cruisers and one destroyer, and 8,500 personnel.
Since there wasn’t even a single battleship of the class, the gap in power was serious.
Of course, they also had visionaries, and based on Mahan’s maritime theory, they argued that active fleet operation was necessary, and made plans to purchase over 50 ships by 1925 in line with the strengthening of naval power in neighboring countries.
In the case of auxiliary ships, Gangnam and Mami shipyards were trying to build them themselves, but due to insufficient funds, Yuan Shikai’s political indifference and full-scale support for the army, which was his base, and nationwide political turmoil, all naval projects were currently suspended.
“While our naval battleships are holding out in the West Sea, we will have to wait and see whether your fleet will be able to lift the siege.”
“… … .”
Jo Yeo-rim looked at this side as if she was in despair. Her expression was as if she thought the country had truly fallen. Even before coming here, Admiral Sal Jin-bing, the fleet commander, had advised that direct combat with the Korean Empire should be avoided.
His opinion was that the current Republic of China Navy would fall prey to those with battleships the moment they confronted them head-on. Not even the shadow of the Beiyang Fleet that once commanded the seas could be found any more.
Moreover, the Navy itself was not trustworthy. As is the case with any country, the Navy was a very progressive organization compared to the Army.
Therefore, although they appeared to be loyal to Yuan Shikai on the surface, in reality they were largely psychologically sympathetic to Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang he led.
The shadow of the empire that had already fallen was so darkly cast over the future of the Republic of China. In the end, Jo Yeo-rim was able to easily deduce that peace negotiations, not war, were the only answer.
But there were many hurdles to overcome to get there. He looked at Lee Yong-ik and asked for some time.
“… Please give me a moment. I will speak to our people for a moment.”
“As much as you want. However, please understand that time is running out. Our troops’ patience in preparing for an offensive south of the Korean Peninsula has long since run out.”
‘Those damn Joseon bastards, they’re just instigating rebellion.’
Without responding to Lee Yong-ik’s words, Jo Yeo-rim turned her head toward the construction site of Jung Gwang-jeon and the others.
“Is it just a peace negotiation after all?”
“Minister, they have no intention of giving up on their demands. If war breaks out like this, we won’t be able to defend Shanhaiguan, let alone Tianjin.”
They must have already known their own weaknesses. It must have been shocking to hear them talking about war now, when they had been one of the swift states of the Qing Empire just a few decades ago and were barely able to make a sound.
But at the same time, he was contemptuously confronted with the contradictions and limitations of the Republic of China. Within the system of the Republic of China, which was barely holding on through the iron fist of a coalition of numerous warlords, there were quite a few revolutionaries and discontented forces sharpening their knives.
Although the armed uprising of Sun Yat-sen and his comrades was crushed in July of last year, it was not enough. No, it would be more correct to say that the headaches of the financial and diplomatic departments within the government of the Republic of China became even worse.
In Yunnan Province, under the tacit approval of France, the Yunnan warlords were already openly gathering anti-Yuan and anti-Semitic forces, and the Korean Empire was supporting them with weapons and funds, linking them with Sun Yat-sen.
And in order to prevent their rebellion, the military forces of Zhili and Anhui had to be tied down in the south. And they began to put enormous pressure on the finances, consuming 120 million yuan of military expenses every year, an amount that was unimaginable in the past Qing Dynasty.
“…Can’t our army of 600,000 men stop them?”
“South Korea’s military is on a different level than it was 30 years ago. If something happens, we will have to rely on other countries to mediate.”
Jo Yeo-rim burst into laughter at the fact that he was not even able to properly protect his country while making so much money.
“They also have financial burdens and are effectively acting as Russia’s police, so the possibility of a real war is low. However, if by some chance, even one in a thousand, they advance across Shanhai Pass, no one knows how things will turn out. One thing for sure is that Yeonggu is almost on the verge of falling, and Jinju and Shanhai Pass are wide open.”
At the end of the story, Jo Yeo-rim bit her lips tightly. It seemed like the pungent taste of blood was leaking out, but she didn’t even have time to care.
I just felt sorry for myself, unable to do anything and helplessly accepting their demands.
“If it is a reasonable request, it would be wise to accept it, Minister.”
“We are on thin ice now. No matter what we choose, it will be difficult to avoid the stigma of being a traitor to our fellow countrymen.”
“… Even so, we must accept it. President Yuan Shikai will not want a real war with them either. We are not prepared at all. If war breaks out like this, do you think the Korean Empire will just take the refugees?”
Sun Yat-sen and his Kuomintang comrades, and the rebellious warlords in the southwest, especially in Yunnan Province. They were the forces that could easily threaten their positions.
If they were to join hands with the Korean Empire and plot something, they had to be prepared for something they didn’t even want to think about to happen.
“But that doesn’t mean we can just blindly accept the demands of the Korean Empire.”
Sighing deeply, Jo Yeo-rim recalled the dizzying memory from last year.
In 1913, when the Bogd Khanate, backed by the Russian Empire, declared independence, the government and public of the Republic of China reacted angrily, deciding whether to recognize it or not.
After the collapse of the Qing Dynasty, the Mongols in Outer Mongolia’s attempt to gain independence was an unacceptable shame, as they strongly believed that it was Chinese territory that had to be reclaimed.
However, Yuan Shikai, who could not ignore Russia’s opinion on the Manchurian issue, decided to officially recognize the autonomy of the Bogd Khanate.
Of course, this had a huge negative effect. The Kuomintang, led by Sun Yat-sen, protested in unison, saying that it was a disgrace to lose Mongolia after losing Manchuria.
Moreover, the situation was rather strange. When the Bogd Khanate declared a unified Mongolia and sent over 10,000 troops south to Inner Mongolia, tarnishing the reputation of the Republic of China, those who took this as a disgrace were raising their heads even within the government.
This was an incident that was able to end quietly thanks to Yuan Shikai’s hasty deployment of troops to Inner Mongolia to respond and his strong stance that he could not give up this region, as well as the checks and balances of the great powers who were wary of Russia’s expansion.
However, in this situation, it was clear that if the Korean Empire gave in to the Manchurian problem, which was a much hotter potato than the Mongolian problem, much more serious problems than before would arise.
“It’s just the difference between dying right away or dying a little later.”
“The latter is better. It would at least buy some time and leave room for a solution.
“I guess there’s nothing I can do.”
Jo Yeo-rim wanted to refute Jung Gwang-jeon’s words numerous times, but she stopped herself. Saying anything to him now would be useless and unproductive.
He spoke to the interpreter who was right next to him and said:
“…Tell the Minister Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Korean Empire to discuss the terms of the negotiations.”
Then the interpreter told them the story in their language, and soon the man who had been talking for a long time on the other side of the table began to sit up straight again, stubbing out his cigarette in the ashtray.